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Kids Girls. Would you like to rate and review this book? Add a Review Maybe Later. Brown Subscribe to alerts Get information about new releases for these contributors straight to your inbox. Be the first to write a review. Buy Now. It draws on a range of associations between the nation-state and idealized womanhood constructed through symbolic representations of the nation-state. Here gendered language, images and artefacts are used to create a particular image of nationalism and national identity. In an era in which the decline of communism and ethno-nationalist movements have resulted in the emergence or re-emergence of growing numbers of new nations, the co-constitution of gendered identities and national identities is of great importance, especially as it often relies on conservative images of women as home- makers.
For example, in the development of national currencies — one of the key distinguishing features of an independent nation-state — allegories of the female form are frequently used as images to represent either the highest civil values of the new nation-state or its wealth and power.
Thus, images of the female form representing truth or virtue, liberty or justice are typical, as well as images of women with children, fruit or corn to represent plentiful and fecund nature. Interestingly, on some of the notes issued by former colonies prior to independence in the twentieth century, these two representations of femininity are sometimes found in juxtaposi- tion.
In the nineteenth century, when many of these images originated in industrial societies, the domestic ideology of women as angels of the hearth, above the sordid struggles of capitalist commerce and indus- try, facilitated these associations between femininity and the abstract virtues of a civilized society. I want to expand this illustration of the links between gender and national identity by looking in a little more detail at representations of Ireland, drawing in the main on the work of three geographers, Bronwen Walter , , Catherine Nash and Nuala Johnson Women overwhelmingly die as civilians.
This imagery serves to naturalise a social hierarchy within an appar- ent unity of interests so that its gendered formation is unquestioned. However, it has also been argued that Ireland itself, as an imaginary construct, is feminine. Thus, the connections between femininity and home at different spatial scales are illustrated in a single image. Feminization was also signalled in the domestic symbols adopted by Robinson to represent the Irish diaspora. Stateless and Placeless: Nomadic Subjects and Diasporic Identities In this section I want to pursue some of the implications of migration and the development of diasporic communities such as the Irish in more detail, looking in particular at the implications for gendered iden- tities.
Notions of home and away, here and there, location and dislocation, place and displacement are key terms in a number of contemporary theoretical discourses, as well as ideas about new ethnicities, hybridity and diasporic identities. Large-scale migration is not, of course, a recent phenomenon.
Some feminist theorists Wolff are sceptical about this focus, pointing out the gendered associations of travel as a privileged activity: travel to broaden the mind of the white bourgeois youth in the nineteenth century and as masculine rebellion in the post-war West Phillips Migration — what the sociologist Stuart Hall has termed the movement of the Third World into the First World — has disrupted associations between territory and ethnicity.
Translation is a somewhat optimistic concept, based on belief in the possibility of the development of a new tolerance in Britain. This clearly is a contested and politicized process working out in dif- ferent ways in different places and spaces. The Politics of Location At the beginning of this chapter, I suggested that there has been an exciting coincidence in the conceptual concerns of the social sciences and the humanities, especially among feminist theorists.
In new work that straddles the boundaries of geography, literary and cultural studies, spatial metaphors and concepts play a key role. Topography and geography now intersect literary and cultural criticism in a growing interdisciplinary inquiry into emergent identity formations and social practices. Such a feminism must be informed by an understand- ing of what may seem like conventional geographical knowledge.
Conse- quently, Mohanty , among others, has argued that feminist pol- itics is no longer necessarily based on a settled or territorially based identity but rather on the development of networks among an imag- ined community of women with interests in common.
For Third World women migrants, these common interests are constructed by the ways in which capital positions them in marginal spaces, exploiting them as the new proletariat of the increasingly globalized economy outlined in the introduction to this chapter Fuentes and Ehrenreich ; Rowbotham and Mitter The strength of different claims and the power of different voices remain unequal.
Indeed, it has been argued that the structures of exploitation are currently starker than at almost any time throughout the twentieth century, leading some feminist theorists to suggest that post-structuralist perspectives might usefully be brought into contact with older work on material inequality Phillips ; Segal However, the new technologies that compress distance and reduce friction for capitalist enterprises also open up increasing possibilities for interaction between imagined communities or communities of interest.
While these communities may be spatially distant, there are greater prospects than ever before of building coali- tions between them. How sensitive are we to the intellectual potential of the foreigners that we have right here, in our own backyard? London: Verso. Anderson, Bridget Doing the Dirty Work? The Global Politics of Domestic Labour. London: Zed Books. Anderson, M.
Bachelard, G. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Bahloul, J. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Barrett, M. Blunt, A. New York: Guilford Press. New York: Columbia University Press. Cassady, C. London: Black Spring. Castells, M. British Journal of Sociology, 5— Clifford, J. Davidoff, L. London: Hutchinson. Foucault, M. New York: Pantheon Books. Friedman, S. Gregory, D. Hall, S. Rutherford ed. London: Lawrence and Wishart.
Haraway, D. London: Free Association Books. Harding, S. Whose Knowledge? Milton Keynes: Open University Press. London: Turnaround Press. Johnson, N. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 51— Kaplan, C. Katz, C. Signs, — Kirby, K.bedttrafabinpub.tk
Concise Biographical Companion to Index Islamicus (3 vols.)
McDowell, L. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 1: 15— Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, — McKenzie, S. Anderson, S. Duncan and R. London: Academic Press. Marcus, S. Massey, D. New Left Review, 65— Mohanty, C. Mohanty, A. Russo and L. Nash, C. Feminist Review, 39— Park, R. Chicago: Chicago University Press reprinted Pateman, C.
Phillips, A. Phillips, R. London: Routledge. Pollock, G. Gender, Place and Culture, 4: — Pratt, M.
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Bulkin, M. Pratt and B. Rich, A. New York: Norton. Rowbotham, S. Smith, A. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Soja, E. Walby, S. Walkerdine, V. London: Virago. Walter, B. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 35— Warner, M. London: Picador. Wilson, E. London: Tavistock. Wolff, J. Cultural Studies, 7: — A triangular table was laid with thirty-nine place settings, each representing an historic or legendary woman.
Each place included a ceramic plate and an embroidered runner in a style appropriate to the era in which the woman had lived. Yet for many, the piece remains extremely appealing because of the humour and scale of the idea: it unites, temporally and spatially, for the purpose of feasting and celebration, women who have been separated by centuries and con- tinents. By bringing together past and present in one frozen moment, The Dinner Party uses art to challenge the strictures of time itself. Chicago and her collaborators were also participating in a task that was central to the feminist project: the retrieval of women artists, writers, musicians and scientists who had been marginalized or forgot- ten by a male-dominated culture.
The connections between theory and practice — and hence the notion of praxis — have always been emphasized within femi- nism because both converge on the political. Jackson What one wants, I thought — and why does not some brilliant student at Newnham or Girton supply it? All these facts lie somewhere, pre- sumably, in parish registers and account books; the life of the average Elizabethan woman must be scattered about somewhere, could one collect it and make a book of it.
Their titles alone bore witness to their inten- tion to restore to the historical picture something vital which was missing. Second-wave feminists had long campaigned around the fact that women formed a majority rather than a minority of the global population. And, as that past emerged, it began to pose fascinating chal- lenges to the categorizations and chronology of the dominant his- torical canon. By the late s, the amount of historical writing to emerge from the feminist movement had been so great that the authors toyed with the idea of No Longer Invisible for the revised edition of Becoming Visible Bridenthal et al.
It was rejected, largely because it was felt that a new set of objectives was now emerging which was broadening the project of feminist history still further. Beyond the initial retrieval stage, feminist historians were questioning the entire basis of the cat- egorization of history. Feminist historians also realized that the project of history was not as simple as one of telling stories, of recon- structing a narrative for a particular audience in order to enlighten, or possibly simply to entertain.
Events throughout the historical world in the s and s, which crystallized in the British context in the debate over the content of the new national curriculum Clark et al. An absence of historical precedent had long been used as an excuse for normalizing or perpetuating instances of historical discrimination, both legal and cultural. Sally Alexander spent nights cam- paigning with exploited cleaning staff in London, and days in the archives in the company of their ghostly foremothers, the sweated needlewomen of the nineteenth century Alexander The battles women had fought in the past, their arguments and their campaign- ing tactics, their victories and their defeats were rediscovered and studied, not simply as an academic exercise, but with the explicit intent of using these examples and precedents from the past to inform and improve the lives of women in the present.
As feminist historians turned to the history of their own movement, it emerged that even their current preoccupation with restoring a femi- nist past had an historical precedent. Research into British education revealed that, just like second-wave feminists, women who pioneered entry into academia had themselves looked to the past to create role models, challenge the sexual divisions and discriminations of their own time, and query accepted norms via examples of historical feminism.
She quickly gathered a group of enthusiastic young scholars around her, many of whom had participated actively in the suffrage movement. Eileen Power, Alice Clark and Ivy Pinchbeck produced important studies of the earlier lives of women as an attempt to historicize their own feminist activism Clark ; Power ; Pinchbeck A common need to search for their past has led feminists in many countries into the archives in an attempt to understand their own history.
In an ambitious survey spanning most of the world, Offen et al. In Britain, there were particularly close links between feminist and socialist history. These had direct implication for the subject matter of early British feminist history, and meant that for many years research on middle-class, liberal or conservative women was at best marginalized and more frequently not undertaken.
In America, where the civil rights movement emerged alongside feminism, feminist his- torians were quick to identify race as an important category and to attempt to differentiate between the historical experiences of women from different racial groups. Clock time within and across countries was very gradually aligned with Greenwich Mean Time, making it possible to coordinate train timetables as travel and communication accelerated. Careful objective and empirical obser- vation, akin to the methodology of pure scientists, was required when it came to the evaluation of the past.
In both symbolic and material terms, the child was closely associated with the future health and hap- piness of the nation. In the context of revolutionary France, Olympe de Gouges challenged the notion of the male citizen. And she taught me how can I ever forget! Ferguson 56 Women do not have a common past. Women might have been written out of history because their contributions had not been valued in past societies and, indeed, poor women and black women had been marginalized the most.
Rather, they require interpretation. Furthermore, what should a feminist study? American historians Linda Gordon and Joan W. Scott debated the uses and abuses of post-structuralist theory for feminist historians in the early s Gordon ; Scott a. Their dif- ferences possibly stemmed from their research concerns at the time. The relationship between the material and the discursive becomes the key line of enquiry.
All texts, therefore, must be considered in relation to each other as effects of power relationships at the time in which they were produced. New Historicism has evoked differing feminist responses. Other feminists whose approach had always been situated within a cultural materialist framework argued that New Historicism was based upon and indeed shared many of the ideas that had been developed by second-wave feminism.
This analysis of different forms of representation has been a particularly fruitful area in relation to attempts to understand the dynamics of gender, class and national identity in nineteenth- century Britain. It has also been accused of depoliticizing the study of gender, class and ethnicity. Feminism is above all a political and personal ideology as well as a theoretical position within the academy, which means that, for feminists, some explanations will always be more credible than others, certain principles and value judgements more valid.
To state so adamantly that there is no such thing as absolute truth is, of course, a contradiction in terms. We are all, effectively, time-travellers. But they have enabled us to think in more depth about the ways in which experience and identity are constituted and played out over time. But what do we do when there is little in the way of formal evidence? Do we sever our link with the past? Do we simply forget because there are no material traces? For the American author Toni Morrison, whose novel Beloved examines the painful issue of infanticide within a slave community, the possibilities of the past can be recalled and deciphered emotionally and creatively as well as rationally.
Although black slaves produced biographical narratives as we have seen in the extract from The History of Mary Prince , these were used for publicity purposes by the anti-slavery moment, and it can be argued that they are carefully constructed to portray the black slave as a civilized, rational and obedi- ent subject. Anger, pain and sorrow — the emotional — are sublimated to suit a white Western readership. Jackson You know they straightened out the Mississippi River in places, to make room for houses and livable acreage. Remembering where it used to be. All water has a perfect memory and is forever trying to get back where it was.
Writers are like that: remembering where we were, what valley we ran through, what the banks were like, the light that was there and the route back to our original place. It is emotional memory — what the nerves and the skin remember as well as how it appeared. It is, there- fore, about coming to terms with the present. In this section we will consider the role of personal memoirs and nar- ratives in feminist research.
The use of oral interviews raises particular methodological issues. But these issues themselves can enrich rather than invalidate a project. The collection of life stories is not simply a priority for feminist academics. Com- munity history — whether of neighbourhoods or diasporas — emerges from and builds on a sense of collectivity and shared identity.
Where academics use oral history interviews to create written his- tories, there is an increasing awareness of the collaborative nature of this research. Feminist research sees interviewing as a dialogic and reciprocal process, which must have a positive outcome for all parties concerned. Autobiography always invokes the past as gone, and is a conscious attempt to rewrite and reassess it. The autobiography itself charts a geographical and spiritual journey from past to present as well as a process of physical emancipation.
Lyndal Roper , however, has argued that these testimonies, although of course framed by cultural and religious belief, can be read as intensely personal narratives. In Augsburg in Anna Ebbeler, aged 67, was accused of poisoning a woman for whom she had worked as a lying-in maid and causing the death of her child; Ebbeler was sub- sequently executed. Jackson between women over these themes, appeared in witchcraft narratives.
The stress on egalitarianism and the rejection of biological essen- tialism achieved economic, political and professional equality; as it did so, it involved an acceptance of time as a linear trajectory and sought to reclaim a place for women as well as men within that. This led to a recognition of other temporalities than the linear and, in some feminist thought, to an association of female subjectivity with reproductive and lunar cycles.
However, within the feminist historical project, explorations back in time have offered modern-day activists the means to normalize their own activism and public life by demonstrating the existence of clear historical prece- dents. The retrieval of women into the historical record is a vital means of legitimizing many current feminist claims and concerns. References and Further Reading Alexander, S. Mitchell and A. Oakley eds , The Rights and Wrongs of Women, pp.
London: Penguin. Black, J. Basingstoke: Macmillan. Bock, G. Bock and P. Jackson Rise of the European Welfare States, s—s, pp. Bridenthal, R. Bush, B. Chadwick, W. London: Thames and Hudson. Castleford: Yorkshire Art Circus. Clark, A. Clark, J. History Workshop Journal, 92— Davin, A. The British experience. Kleinberg ed. London: Berg. Dollimore, J. Dyhouse, C. Evans, R. London: Granta. Fawcett, M. London: T. Ferguson, M. Gluck, S. Gordon, L. Greenblatt, S. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Hurd-Mead, K. New York: Froben Press.
Bridenthal and C. Koonz eds , Becoming Visible, pp. Kerber, L. New York: Hill and Wang. Kleinberg, S. Koonz, C. London: Cape. Kristeva, J. Jardine and H. Signs, 7: 13— Lerner, G. Lytton, C. London: Heineman. Mair Marthurin, L. Kingston: African-Caribbean Publications. Martin, E. Mills, S. Mills ed. London: Harvester Wheatsheaf. Minister, K. Patai and D. Montrose, L. Shakespeare Quarterly, 28— Morrison, T. In Russell Ferguson et al.
Neely, C. English Literary Renaissance, 5— Newton, J. Cul- tural Critique, 9: 87— Offen, K. London: Macmillan. Pankhurst, E. London: Gay and Hancock. Pinchbeck, I. Poovey, M. Power, E. Roper, L. Roper ed. Rosen, R. New York: Abbeville. Jackson — Sheila Rowbotham. Wandor ed. Interviews by Micheline Wandor, pp. Critical Enquiry, — Sklar, K. Kish American female historians in context — Feminist Studies, 3 1—2 : — Stanley, L. Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Steedman, C. Thompson, E.
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Past and Present, 56— Walkowitz, J. Wollstonecraft, M. Woolf, V. Barrett ed. Harmondsworth: Penguin. This may seem like an odd claim, perhaps even an outrageous one. But pause to consider it for a minute. Quite the contrary. Theories — or explanations of how and what we know and live — rely on concepts that are embed- ded in them. These concepts are like the scaffolding for building social movement or, to use another metaphor, they are the directionals for charting any course of action.
Often invisible as guides, concepts undergird our ways of making sense, from the profound and vision- ary perspective to the most mundane and obvious. Universities have now become the institutions that most allow these spaces; their provision of the resources and institutional structures for the work of feminist theory is the result of years of feminist struggle. Many non-governmental and non-university organizations foster this work as do alternative media.
But these institutions struggle harder for funding and are institutionally much smaller and often less established than the academy. While the time and structures for intellectual work may be most readily provided by universities, it is important to remem- ber that theories and concepts circulate throughout other institutions: in the media, in social movements, in common sense. In other words, answering these questions will inevitably, if at times only implicitly, speak to what feminism strives to accomplish, its visions and goals.
In considering the concept of class, for example, we might want to take into account how it speaks to the general objectives of feminism. For feminists in the over-developed world especially that is, in the US, Canada, the EU , class is both an invisible and a contentious concept. One answer lies in the historical conditions that shape the dominant ways of knowing under capitalism. In the past three decades a new phase of capitalism has developed. There has also been a frag- mentation of traditional relations of labour both in terms of working conditions and attitudes. Neoliberalism holds that economic crises are the result of excessive government intervention and regulation and they can best be remedied by returning state-supported economic ventures to the private sector for example, by privatizing public education and health care, social services, prisons , re-establishing the family as a cushion to absorb the social effects of hard times and re- personalizing economic dependency, savings, work.
Neoliberal forms of consciousness will tend to keep the structures of capitalism from view; for example, in offering ways of knowing the world that sever the cultures of capital and consumption from relations of labour. In academic circles, post- modern knowledges of various sorts have bolstered neoliberalism by aggressively discouraging analysis that reveals links between new cul- tural forms and changing relations of labour. Class is one. Patterns of employment, accumulation and consumption may be changing, becoming decentralized and globally distributed differently, but the class structures that allow the accumulation of capital to take place remain.
Approaches to Class Fortunately, we already have a rich archive of class analysis to draw upon, some of it central to feminist struggle for over a century. As a critique of patriarchy, feminism coalesced into a social movement around the same time that Marx was developing his critique of capital.
Feminists have been engaged with the philosophy of history, or historical materialism, and the critique of capital that Marx and other Marxists developed since the nineteenth century. The signatures that this feminist work has claimed are various. They include socialist feminism, Marxist feminism, red feminism, material- ist feminism. The lines of distinction among them are not always clear or consistent and the terms are open to debate because they are sites of political and ideological, even class, struggle.
Tracing a genealogy of any one of these terms or using any one of these names to identify your work invariably entails making an argument for what the name means, in the process explaining the concepts it relies on and claiming a political standpoint. While labels are important, then, in themselves they explain little. This is especially so in an historical time when Marxism as well as feminism are more than ever embattled. Important in this writing were debates over what came to be called dual systems theory Hansen and Philipson Dual systems approaches argued that the two social systems of capitalism and patriarchy are neither identical nor autonomous.
Some critics suggested that domestic labour is not separate but a necessary though invisible component of capital- ist production. In contrast to the radical feminist emphasis on patriarchal oppression, socialist feminists stress the importance of class inequality and they understand the concept of class quite differently when they use it. Socialist feminists acknowl- edged their debt to Marxist explanations of class and at times even gave priority to Marxist explanations of social relations.
But in actual- ity many socialist feminist attempts in the s to address the rela- tion of class analysis to gender inequality often amounted to adding class on to a radical feminist approach: class was seen as an adjunct to gender inequality or the fundamental power relation was taken to be that between men and women Naiman The notion of women as the oppressed group and men as the oppressors is problematic at least in part because not all women share a common oppression.
Oppression theorists criticize what they see as the economic deter- minism of traditional Marxism and its view of the working class as the most revolutionary force in history Naiman 13 , but in the process they also forfeit the crucial concept of exploitation that lies at the heart of Marxist class analysis. These radical feminist versions of oppression theory have been overtaken in feminist theory more recently by neo- and post-Marxist understandings of class. Neo- and post-Marxist approaches to class tend to pursue one of two theoretical trajectories that might loosely be characterized as empiricist and postmodern Torrant It is important to note that these two ways of explain- ing class in feminist theory are similar to conceptions of class that circulate more broadly.
In other words, these notions of class are not unique to feminism. As we will see, this is quite different, indeed a break, from Marxist or historical materialist explanations of class as an exploitative social relationship. The empiricist approach to class was most famously developed by Max Weber, but these ideas have now entered the common culture and many versions of this concept of class no longer acknowledge their debt to Weber. This version of class sees society as constituted by an economic order, a legal order and a cul- tural order — all of which interact and none of which is determining.
The problem is that this analysis takes market relations to be obvious. Beginning with the vantage point of the market does not allow us to see and explain the relations of labour that bring goods into the market. Following the erasure of relations of labour in this neo-Weberian approach to class, property which for Marxists is a social relation is presumed to be a matter of individual possessions. Here the economic order is merely the way in which economic goods and services are distributed and used. When economic relations are reduced to market relations, the concept of exploitation disappears along with the exploitative relations of labour on which the Marxist concept of class is based.
This work has in common the premise that culture is not linked in any determinate way with social relations that are not cultural. In assessing a STATE'S capability, for instance, of waging war successfully against another state, an analyst will be likely to consider not only actual military strength but the underlying economic resources for sustaining a WAR and other questions such as ideological conviction, nationalist sentiment, popular morale and the attitude of the people concerned towards its own government.
Commonly, this will involve a range of considerations, military, political, diplomatic and economic, some significantly more tangible than others. Before taking a decision, Capitulations for instance, to launch an invasion or intervene in a CIVIL WAR, a government will want to have appraised a range of options and to have calculated consequences. Cecil Rhodes advocated the unfulfilled idea of a railway line from South Africa to the Mediterranean, the Cape-Cairo route with Britain controlling the territory the whole length of East Africa. Capitalism The economic system based on private enterprise and private ownership, under which a major proportion at least of economic activity is carried out by profit-seeking organizations and individuals.
It involves the use of markets and selfregulation rather than centralized planning to allocate resources, with the regulation of supply and demand through the price mechanism in a free market. As a theory, it assumes the free movement of capital, labour and trade and is to be contrasted with COMMUNISM, under which major economic decisions have to be taken collectively, with rigid state control over the economy and trade - the command economy.
Capitalism has undergone many modifications, not least with the development of major international corporations, with the expanding role of the STATE and the increasing sophistication of financial systems and speed of transaction. Karl Marx in his critique envisaged capitalism as a specific stage in global economic development. It was lent credibility by the Allied intervention against the new revolutionary government between and and it became a dominant theme in Soviet foreign policy under Stalin , who used it as justification for ruthless suppression within Russia.
Cardenas Doctrine The statement by Lazaro Cardenas , who was President of Mexico between and , who in nationalized the largely US-owned oil refineries in his country, that a STATE could not act to protect its nationals in the territory of another state. Its objectives of coordinating foreign policy and harmonization of economic and other policies have been only very modestly realized. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace A US nongovernmental institution devoted to the study of world affairs, founded by the industrialist and philanthropist Andrew Carnegie — Cartel An agreement among countries or business organizations to restrict competition, based on a contractual understanding typically involving prices, production Catalytic war and the division of the market.
He stated that 'an attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America, and such force will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force'. Cash-and-carry required that belligerents trading with the USA transport their goods in foreign vessels and pay for them in cash before they left American ports.
It was adopted as part of the Neutrality Acts of and , although a month after the outbreak of the Second World War it was limited to the North Atlantic area. It combined the objectives of keeping out of European entanglements, but at the same time helping Britain and France if war came, which it did in September By the new Act of 4 November Britain and France were permitted to purchase arms on a cash-and-carry basis.
The case of Rewe-Zentrale AG v. Bundesmonopolverwaltung fur Brantwein involved a German attempt to prevent the importation of this alcoholic drink from France on grounds of its low alcoholic content. The essence of this ruling was that any product lawfully produced and marketed in one member STATE must in principle be admitted to free circulation in the territory of another member state, subject to very limited exceptions.
CBW Chemical and biological warfare. Ceasefire An agreement between hostile forces while efforts are made to negotiate a peace settlement. It does not mean that a peace settlement will necessarily follow. In some cases a ceasefire will remain in force for many years without formal conclusion of a WAR. In other cases, as in Yugoslavia in the s, we see a succession of short-lived ceasefires before an agreement is reached or imposed. The term 'Central Europe' has been used flexibly and it is important to establish in which context and for which purpose it is being used.
It was anticipated that war would break out here if rivalry between the USA and the USSR led to outright conflict and it was the focus of a great deal of strategic discussion. The Central Intelligence Agency Act exempted the organization from all statutes concerning disclosure of its activities and gave its Director power to spend money without public accountability. Though Charter 77 Germany played a predominant part among them, it did not succeed in pressing its WAR claims upon its allies and they could never agree a common foreign policy.
Another phrase, with nuclear connotation, is 'central strategic warfare'. It may be effected by purchase as, for instance, in the case of the US purchase of Alaska from Russia in exchange, gift or a voluntary merger. Charge d'affaires Sometimes also referred to as 'Charge d'affaires en titre', to distinguish the individual from being 'Charge d'affaires ad interim', acting provisionally as head of a diplomatic mission. If the regular head of mission is recalled, the Charge d'affaires heads the mission. A Charge d'affaires is accredited from one foreign ministry to another, whereas an Ambassador is accredited from one head of state to another.
It was originally founded in as the British Institute of International Affairs, assuming its new name in It was the first private organization set up in Britain comprehensively to study international relations, and among its many activities it publishes the journal International Affairs. Its conferences and discussions follow what are called the 'Chatham House Rules'. This means that the attribution to the contributor of views expressed is not to be revealed to the press. Chauvinism Named after one Nicholas Chauvin, a prototype of a fanatically patriotic soldier fighting in the Napoleonic Wars.
Kennedy ordered three checkpoints to be built in order that US forces could exercise their rights of access. It was established by decree in December of that year and charged with responsibility for rooting out all opposition to the new order. From the start it displayed a tendency to take over the political system and imposed severe repression.
A Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological Biological and Toxic Weapons and on their Destruction was signed on 10 April and since then nearly nations have become signatories. However, work still continues on their China White Paper development and there is particular fear in the international community at the potential for their use by terrorist organizations. Chemical weapons, notably poison gas, were banned after the First World War.
This convention, though, bans all use of such weapons and also prohibits their development, production and stockpiling, or transfer. Monitoring was instituted with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, which began work in Chernobyl catastrophe In the Ukraine, the worst accident in the history of nuclear power generation. During the night of April safety precaution errors led to a chain reaction in the reactor core and the lid was blown off the reactor releasing large amounts of radioactivity into the atmosphere over a period of ten days, which was carried thousands of miles.
Costing a billion pounds and regarded by the Labour Government of the time as controversial, this programme was not reported to Parliament until , when Margaret Thatcher b. At the same time it supported Chiang Kai-Shek and the Chinese nationalist cause. Chinese Cultural Revolution Chinese Cultural Revolution Officially called the 'Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution', this was inaugurated in August when the Central Committee approved a resolution calling for a complete revolution in Chinese politics, society and culture.
It amounted to a massive purge by the Communist leader Mao-Zedong of the Communist Party, with Mao claiming that the 'officials of China are a class, and one whose interests are opposed to those of the workers and peasants. Besides causing enormous disruption, the Cultural Revolution also led to the death of more than two million people. This violent episode has been consistently repudiated by the Chinese leadership since Choke points A military term meaning places where transport or military material and personnel are concentrated and slowed down - for instance, a key strategic bridge.
Christian Aid This body was founded in by the British Council of Churches and some of its programmes are joint funded by the British government. It aims to assist development projects in places where human resources are inadequate to meet needs, particularly in Africa, Asia and Latin America, ranging from land reclamation and irrigation to medical support and training programmes. Civil defence This term, used comprehensively, means all arrangements for reducing death, injury and damage in a territory inflicted through WAR or natural disaster. Modern wars have, more and more, involved civilians, and the measures taken, for instance, on the outbreak of war in - evacuation of population from cities, building of bomb shelters - are a classic illustration of civil defence, confronting TOTAL WAR.
After the Second World War preparatory measures were taken and training provided for those who would be involved in trying to mitigate the effects of a possible nuclear conflict, or its immediate destruction and radioactive fall-out. They further argued that mistaken public acceptance that civil defence could be effective in a nuclear war could lead to risk-taking by the nuclear powers.
Civil war A WAR fought within a country between the populations of different areas, different political groups, races or religions. Clash of civilizations The thesis advanced by the American Samuel Huntington b. Huntington addressed the problem of the post-cold war conflicts of the early s, in particular that between Western civilization and Islam.
He made the following prediction: 'the fundamental sources of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic. The great division among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. National states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations will be the battlelines of the future.
He argued that there could be no 'purely military solution' to any military problem and that war was the continuation of policy by other means. He described war as a 'remarkable trinity', of which the essential elements were violence, the 'free play' of chance and intelligent political purpose. Client State A STATE, some of whose rights, for example, over the conduct of foreign relations or the management of its own finances, are subordinated to control by another state.
The orientation of his policies reflected economic priorities, a stress on the expansion of free markets and the international competitiveness of the USA with 'export activism'. In the international crises of this period there was a policy of selectivity over intervention and retreat from any notion of automatic US commitment in problems across the world. During this period the benchmark of US military strength was defined as the ability to conduct and win two regional wars simultaneously. Club of Paris The Club of Paris is an international forum for the negotiation, rescheduling or consolidation of debts given or guaranteed by official bilateral creditors.
It was established in by a group of West European countries at that time Club of Rome seeking a multilateral trade and payments system for Argentina and its external debts, and was open to any creditor government willing to accept its rules. Private banks were excluded, handling their negotiations through the Club of London. Club of Rome Formed at a meeting of politicians, industrialists, scientists, economists and administrators, which was held in Rome in , this group set out to examine the relationship between economies, population, industrialization and the environment. Its best-known publication has been The Limits of Growth Since then it has, in particular, exercised influence in discussions of the problems of the environment.
It enhances the authority of the EP by allowing it to block legislation if it was dissatisfied with the outcome of negotiations with the Council. Co-imperium The mutual agreement between two STATES that the right to administer state functions within a specified territory shall be jointly held by the two states. Co-imperium gives neither state the right to cede the territory.
Coercive diplomacy Diplomacy by which a government will attempt to persuade an aggressor to reverse or halt actions already in train, which may include the threat to use military force in response. Governments down the ages have used 'carrot and stick' in their dealings with other powers. Cold war The rivalry and conflict that were global in scope, territorial, economic and ideological, and that dominated international relations, and the interpretation of international relations, between and The anxieties of the USA about Communist expansionism were particularly encouraged by the 'loss of China', the Soviet acquisition of nuclear weapons and the North Korean invasion of South Korea.
In so doing it consolidated its position as leader of the West. The Communist Bloc was never the monolithic unity the West feared, or presented it to be. With the advent of Mikhail Gorbachev b. Subsequently, the effective bankruptcy of the Soviet system, symbolized by the fall of the BERLIN WALL in November , brought about the end of the cold war, which had, among other things, been a struggle between two economic systems.
The origins and development of the conflict, not least the question of responsibility for it, and its impact on the WORLD ORDER, has attracted enormous interest among historians and students of international relations, and provoked considerable revisionist debate. Cold warrior A US and British term current in the period between the s and the s and in historical analysis of East-West relations. Collateral damage Any unintentional damage resulting from an armed attack. This term is most often used to refer to civilian casualties, though it may mean any damage that extends beyond an intended target.
With the increasing destructiveness of weapons and means of achieving high levels of accuracy this consideration has become increasingly pertinent, not least because of the wish of governments to produce a moral justification for military action. Though the term is new, the concept is not since, historically, discussions of the doctrine of the JUST WAR have also involved distinctions between legitimate and illegitimate targets. Collective guilt In international relations this means the attribution of guilt to a whole people.
After the Second World War the German people were frequently, though not without strong objection to the claim, castigated for collective responsibility for the atrocities of the Nazi period. Collective security Based on the idea that SECURITY is best achieved in the world by common commitment, the key to collective security is universality of participation and obligation.
Under these conditions an aggressor state would face the united opposition of the entire international community. There is no requirement that the states offering assistance should themselves be endangered. It has taken the form of emigrants from the mother country creating a new political community in another territory, or the establishment of rule over indigenous peoples. Colonies have been established throughout history to advance the military SECURITY, economic advantage and, more intangibly, the international prestige of the occupying countries or imperial power.
One of its first actions was the expulsion of Yugoslavia in It was formally dissolved by Nikita Khrushchev , in part as a gesture of Soviet reconciliation with that country. It was formed in Moscow in and during the s and s coordinated Communist parties elsewhere in the world to meet the needs and interests of the USSR.
The Soviet leader Stalin formally dissolved it in It played a major role in formulating the underlying principles of defence policy and prepared plans for the coordination of military effort in the event of WAR. At the end of , in the middle of the First World War, the Secretariat was put at the disposal of the Cabinet as a whole and subsequently became the Cabinet Office. Its aim was to secure a million signatures against this eventuality.
It was disbanded in Its purpose was to increase productivity, ensure a fair standard of living for farmers and guarantee a regular supply of food for consumers. Internationally, it has been problematic. Reform of the system has been painfully slow.
It was unclear, for instance, whether the Soviet leader envisaged new Pan-European institutions, and in one speech in Bonn he said that it was a home 'in which the United States and Canada will also have a place'. It has been used, for instance, in discussions about the distribution of global resources in relation to the North-South divide. For instance, in the s and s in Britain the debate over membership frequently referred to the Common Market. Three of them, the Ukraine, Moldova and Turkmenistan refused to sign its charter of for a common economic and foreign policy.
It meets and consults on a regular basis to foster common links and coordinate mutual assistance, a small secretariat having been established in The great majority of its member states are poor and about 70 per cent of British state-to-state AID goes to Commonwealth countries. Ell Communal conflicts Communal conflicts Conflicts within communities. These are frequently long-term and intractable, producing their own mythologies, as in Northern Ireland.
It is synonymous with the phrase 'good European'. In reality, it is often used rhetorically. A country or its representative will claim to be strongly 'communautaire', but will at the same time be very effectively pursuing a primarily national agenda and in other areas of EU policy not complying particularly well. Communism Both a theory and a political movement, Communism also became a significant force in world affairs after the Bolshevik Revolution of in Russia.
The term originated in Paris in the s. Also called Marxism, its early classic statement was the Communist Manifesto of , composed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels , which included the advocacy of the abolition of private property. Single-party rule with a centrally planned economy became the dominating characteristics and, under his successor, Stalin , organized mass terror and the unprecedented elevation of the POWER of the STATE. Outside the bloc it was usual to refer to them as 'Communist countries' and to reserve the word 'Socialism' to describe pluralist social democracy.
Communist Bloc Also called the 'Socialist Bloc'. The term has also been used to denote all countries under Communist rule, including those outside the geographical area, such as Cuba. Comparative advantage The concept in economics that countries specialize in the production of those goods and services that they produce most efficiently. Ideally, in a FREE TRADE environment, it is argued that the global specialization and division of labour resulting from this fact will lead to maximum overall productivity.
Complex interdependence A term used in international relations theory that was coined by the US scholars Robert Keohane b. It describes the range of links that connect societies in the contemporary world, a multifariousness of which inter-state relations are only one form. In this complexity of the transnational, economic relations are inevitably accorded more importance than in traditional realist analysis of the international system.
Concordat Concordat From the Latin concordatum, 'agreement'. In most cases these have been introduced to terminate a state of hostility. Conditio Sine qua non A condition that must be fulfilled before anything else can be done. It may be shared either concurrently, at the same time, or sequentially. As an example of such jurisdiction, Britain and Egypt had condominium over the Sudan from till to protect the headwaters of the River Nile.
During its deliberations Japan completed its conquest of Manchuria and the Nazi Party came to power in Germany. Hitler withdrew Germany from the conference in October and, in the circumstances, this ruled out any agreement, since the German problem was the principal focus. Hitler went on to receive a 95 per cent endorsement by the German electorate of his action, which included withdrawal from the League, in November The Final Act, signed in Helsinki on 1 August , established certain principles that guided East-West diplomatic relations over Europe.
With the break-up of the USSR, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia in the s, plus the accession of Albania, the membership increased to fifty-three states. Confidence-building measures CBMs Agreements that are designed to establish, or increase, mutual trust. Conflict resolution A problem-solving approach to conflicts that has proved particularly applicable in situations of communal strife.
Conflict-resolution techniques involve persuading hostile parties to examine the points at issue from other angles and constructively to explore different non-conflictual ways of achieving their objectives. It is concerned with the avoidance of hostilities and their recurrence, with improvement of communication between rivals and adversaries, and reconciliation. It involves, above all, impartial appraisal of the causes and circumstances of hostility and conflict, reviewed as comprehensively as possible, accounting for economic, political, cultural, psychological and sociological factors.
Experimental studies in this field have concentrated particularly on communal conflicts. However, Britain, increasingly critical of the interference of the POWERS in the internal affairs of other territories, absented itself from the final congress at St Petersburg in Conscription The system by which citizens in a number of countries are recruited involuntarily on a national basis for their armed forces. The British introduced it only in the middle of the First World War and terminated it in the early s. It reversed the policy of his predecessor Jimmy Carter b.
Contadora Group An informal group, formed in , which originally consisted of Colombia, Mexico, Panama and Venezuela. It was originally articulated by George F. Kennan b. It was based on the conviction that, if Soviet and, later also, Chinese expansionism was blocked, Communism would sooner or later collapse as a consequence of its own internal weaknesses and contradictions.
With Vietnam, many came to see that the USA had overburdened itself. It is common for states to Conventional Forces in Europe CFE extend their territorial waters to include the contiguous zone, and it is usually accepted though some states have asserted a wider zone to extend 12 nautical miles. Continental shelf It is common for littoral STATES to claim control over their adjacent continental shelf, the land off their coasts before the steep decline to the oceans.
It is defined in the Geneva Convention on the Continental Shelf of Historically Britain has often concentrated on use of naval power and financial support to help allies on the Continent of Europe. Its Army was largely reserved for the defence of empire. Continental strategy means the commitment to be willing to fight a land WAR in Europe by the despatch of a British expeditionary force. This happened in both world wars.
Since the s it has contributed troops to the Balkans. This was between and and he hoped that it would bring Britain to its knees, though British naval superiority forced its collapse and retaliation by Britain included seizure of neutral shipping. This term has subsequently been used in different contexts where there was a fear of exclusion, or isolation, of Britain from the Continent. Continuous Voyage Doctrine A principle applied in naval warfare whereby a belligerent has the right to seize and condemn neutral goods going from one neutral port ostensibly to another, if it can be proved that the particular goods have in reality an ultimate enemy destination, by sea or land.
As such, it represents a significant limitation on the freedom of trade for neutral states. Convention A binding international agreement concluded between two or more governments. Conventional weapons This term usually means those weapons that are not nuclear. There would also be increasing cooperation in technology, commerce and finance between East and West. The USSR rejected it as a denial of what they claimed would be an inevitable collapse of capitalism. Convertibility The free exchange of a national currency into units of a foreign currency or gold.
Convertibility is commonly restricted when a government seeks to protect a nation from serious imbalance in its international payments. After the Second World War, which had significantly weakened Britain's economic position, for instance, convertibility was not fully restored for thirteen years. Coolidge said: 'It is The person and the property of a citizen are a part of the general domain of the nation, even when abroad. It is also sometimes used to indicate the ruling interests in those countries.
In a narrowly military interpretation, it described the capability and probability of achieving political objectives through force, echoing the famous statement of the Prussian Karl von Clausewitz that war is 'nothing but the continuation of politics by other means'. Subsequently, after the death of Stalin , it started to promote a division of labour in which countries specialized in particular sectors.
It set out both to integrate the economies and to achieve self-sufficiency. Cuba and Vietnam joined in and respectively. It was formally dissolved in June Council of Europe Based in Strasbourg, this was the result of the Hague Congress of May at which leading representatives of sixteen countries discussed the future of Europe and pledged 'to achieve a closer union between its members in order to protect and promote the ideals and principles which constitute their common heritage and to further their economic and social progress'.
The Council of Europe represented a disappointment to those who had argued for a federal Europe, who lost out to the so-called unionists who preferred an inter-governmental pattern. In the event, the Assembly of the Council of Europe has become a forum for the exchange of ideas and information on social, legal, educational and cultural matters. In the event, a formal peace treaty with Germany was not signed until reunification in The issue of VETO has been, and continues to be, important.
Direction of the Council is in the hands of the President and member states hold the Presidency in rotation, the office moving from state to state every six months. A counterforce target is, broadly, an enemy military target. Used more specifically, it means part of the enemy's own nuclear arms system.
From the twentieth century this has particularly meant resisting such warfare that is motivated by revolutionary political, economic and social aims, both in the countryside and in cities. The Chinese Communist leader Mao-Zedong pointed inadvertently to the problems of counter-insurgency when he commented: 'the guerrilla is the fish; the people are the water. First, one must be seen to want a stable, democratic and prospering country. Secondly, one should avoid brutality and operate within the law. Thirdly, plans must be coherent. Fourthly, the priority should be the defeat of political subversion rather than the guerrillas.
Fifthly, one should ensure that one's bases are secure before anything else. Counter-value nuclear strikes would be directed against economic, industrial and political structures. It differs from a revolution in that it is not based on a popular uprising. Moreover, a coup is often presented as forestalling a possible revolution. Nor does it necessarily involve transformation of institutions or society, though these may follow it. It normally involves capture of existing leaders, of key communications, the media and government buildings.
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It has been a common occurrence in Africa and Latin America. But it is rare where there are accepted democratic procedures for governmental change and general acceptance of the legitimacy of a government. Covert action The purpose of a covert action is to influence events abroad in the best interests of a nation's foreign policy. These documents are addressed to the sovereign to whom the representative is accredited.
There are two main elements to this, technical capability and political will, and what is crucial is to convince an opponent that, under specified and clearly stated conditions, a threat will be carried out. They were specified as 'murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation and other inhumane acts committed against any civilian population before or during a Crimes against peace were defined as: 'planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression, or a war in violation of international treaties, agreements or assurances, or participation in a common plan or conspiracy for the accomplishment of any of the foregoing'.
Crisis A decisive turning point, a severe conflict short of WAR, but one that encourages the belief that there could be a high probability of war and that may lead to one, such as the July Crisis of Crisis management As a skill, the management of a CRISIS, striking an appropriate balance between coercion and conciliation so as to maximize one's own interests Crisis stability and avoid military conflict. As a study, there has been a particular interest in this aspect of international relations evidenced in numerous publications since the s.
Crisis Stability A situation of military balance. President Kennedy learned of the missiles on 16 October through U-2 reconnaissance flights. The crisis was resolved on 28 October when Khrushchev, without consulting the Cuban leader Fidel Castro b. Cultural imperialism The imposition of cultural domination, languages, alien ideas and values on other peoples.
At the time Poland rejected it, but in it was used by Nazi Germany and the USSR as an agreed demarcation of their occupation zones. In Poland was forced to accept that the areas to the east of the line would remain Soviet territory. Damage limitation The principle that the main function and of military capability is to deny the forces of any enemy their opportunity to cause destruction, by seeking them out and destroying them.
Less proactively, it can also refer to a whole range of measures, such as defence preparations, to deny an enemy its gains. Danube Commission The international organization with headquarters in Budapest that regulates and controls navigation of the River Danube. It was established under the Belgrade Covention , in which the STATES on the banks of the river agreed that the merchant ships of all states could navigate freely on it. The Senate was the supreme governing authority.
In its economic life was integrated with that of Poland. In the German Nazi party gained the majority in Danzig, which became a source of continuous tension between Germany and Poland up to the outbreak of the Second World War. After the war the city, since then named Gdansk, reverted to Poland. D-Day This brought an end to the Bosnian War, which had gone on for three years and had involved civilian massacres. In order to emphasize the transatlantic nature of the peace initiative, the Accords were formally signed by the presidents of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia in Paris on 14 December This began after long preparation on 6 June along a mile stretch of the Normandy coast from the Cotentin Peninsula eastwards.
The landing and subsequent engagements were costly in human life, but Paris was captured on 25 August and Allied troops crossed into Germany on 12 September De facto recognition A provisional recognition by the government of one STATE that a particular regime exercise authoritative control over the territory of another state.
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