Giraud readily agreed to these changes. The chapter ends with Lemaigre Dubreuil leaving Algiers, fearful of what a purge commission set up by the French Committee of National Liberation, now headed by de Gaulle alone, might do to him given that he had never and would never support de Gaulle. He returned, via Morocco and Spain, to a liberated Paris in August In May , however, he was acquitted of all charges, and the confiscated Lesieur properties were returned to Lesieur Oils. For the next few years, while heading Lesieur Oils in France, Lemaigre Dubreuil wrote articles and letters to the editors of various publications in order to defend his reputation and the actions of his collaborators and himself in North Africa prior to and following the Allied landings.
He also initiated law suits against writers and the publishers of writers whose comments about his war record he found defamatory. While Lemaigre Dubreuil had initially been a strong defender of French rule in Morocco praising what he believed were its many achievements, he became increasingly disillusioned with what he viewed as the stagnation of the protectoral administration and successive Fourth Republic governments that refused to engage with the Moroccan national movement and Sultan Mohammed Ben Youssef in constructive ways.
Another accusation was that the sultan and the Istiqlal Party were promoting pan-Arabism and communism.
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Lemaigre Dubreuil also became increasingly concerned about American criticisms of French colonial policy, particularly as they related to Morocco. The resulting French repression led to numerous Moroccan deaths. He created a Franco-Moroccan Association to promote dialogue and a study group on Moroccan problems intended to bring together ranking Moroccan and French officials and business leaders in favor of reform to discuss their respective ideas and points of view.
As Hoisington points out, several of the original members of the study group would occupy senior positions in the Moroccan government with the coming of independence. He argued that if the French authorities dethroned the sultan they would be violating the Treaty of Fez of that had established the Protectorate. If in order to do so they were to enlist the support of traditional Moroccan authorities like El-Glaoui, the pasha of Marrakech, who was willing to circulate a petition calling for the dethronement of Mohammed Ben Youssef, such an action would not only contradict the very idea of protection of the ruler as embedded in the idea of a protectorate but would damage the reputation of France in the eyes of most Moroccans.
Yet, when the dethronement of the sultan actually took place in August , he being replaced by an elderly uncle, Moulay Ben Arafa, Lemaigre Dubreuil accepted the change while arguing that it was not good policy. He held the French government responsible for this situation because it had failed to come up with viable responses to Moroccan demands for increased autonomy.
Si Tahar Sebti had been the sort of French-educated Moroccan technocrat whose ascension Lemaigre Dubreuil had wished to promote. Although he was never enthusiastic in regard to a restoration of Sultan Mohammed Ben Youssef, he came to recognize that the exiled sultan had become a powerful nationalist symbol for all Moroccans.
He made several proposals as to how such a council might be formed. Two copies of the questionnaire were given to the administrative councils of the two principal Moroccan parties. Lemaigre Dubreuil would eventually publish some of the responses that he received. The Moroccan responses clearly established the desire to have the sultan restored to his throne and independence granted. Before signing off on the deal, however, he requested and obtained the approval of the incoming premier of France, Edgar Faure, and his minister for Tunisian and Moroccan affairs, Pierre July, regarding editorial freedom for the newspaper.
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Hoisington strongly suggests that the assassination of Lemaigre Dubreuil, more than anything else, pushed the French government into initiating a pro-independence policy but not before a series of riots in Casablanca and uprisings in the countryside had presented challenges to the final residents general. Other subtle revisions by Hoisington continue the effort begun in the English version to deemphasize perceptions of Lemaigre Dubreuil as having been extremely right wing.
Neither version of the book, for instance, mentions that some writers have accused Lemaigre Dubreuil of having contributed financially to La Cagoule. As one of its founders, Dr. Both versions are very circumspect with regard to the participation of members of his family in his various engagements. Yet they seem to have been substantial.
He seems to have had a good deal of money, and he owned a good deal of property in France, including a country residence near Fontainebleau and an apartment in the 16th arrondissement of Paris, and in Morocco, a villa in Rabat and an apartment in Casablanca.
In he sponsored the production of a feature film that portrayed General Giraud as the potential savior of France. When Lemaigre Dubreuil acquired Maroc Presse he appointed his son-in-law, Baudouin de Moustier, who at the time was the CEO of Publications-Elysees, to the position of president of the administrative council of this newspaper.
A footnote p. Lemaigre Dubreuil arranged for committee members to meet with Moroccan leaders even those in prison or operating clandestinely in the countryside. But Hoisington clearly informs his readers that he has written a political biography, not a family saga. As to which linguistic version of the book is the most complete given the subtle ways in which they vary, the French version published four years after the original English version perforce reflects four years of additional research.
In short, Lemaigre Dubreuil—who had worked so hard and had expended so much energy in support of lost causes including his attempt to sue Premier Blum and his minister of finance, Auriol, his efforts to strengthen Franco-Romanian relations at the start of World War II and to obtain the support of the Vichy regime in North Africa in favor of an alliance with the United States against Nazi Germany, his support for General Giraud and the Giraud-Murphy agreement in all its implications, his opposition to General de Gaulle, and even his support of a Franco-Moroccan independence agreement that would have given France a great deal of residual control over Morocco—experienced his greatest personal success when his assassination made of him a Franco-Moroccan martyr.
Hoisington views both assassinations as turning points in Franco-Moroccan history, the first one contributing strongly to the French decision to occupy Morocco, the second speeding up the decision of the French government to end the Protectorate.
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One could ask a parallel rhetorical question about Mauchamp. It is also unfortunate that the eleven illustrations included in the French version are grouped together at the end of the book rather than being distributed throughout the chapters to which they are relevant. Because of the continued widespread use of the French language in Morocco, the French version of this biography is probably the one that Moroccan historians will favor as they go about integrating the history of the Protectorate into their own national history narrative.
Hoisington, Jr. Quotations from the French version that are expressed in English have been translated by the reviewer. Contrary to what Hoisington has suggested p. Murphy, had died before either version of the book had been published.
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It would thus seem that the career trajectory of Lemaigre Dubreuil and the intellectual trajectory of the historian have paralleled each other. Both men, it seems, received their greatest kudos for their involvement with Morocco. Why the difference in language designation? Citation: Leland Barrows. Review of Hoisington Jr. Business Writing Skills. Graphic Novels Comic Strips. My Wishlist.
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Related The Assassination of Jacques Lemaigre Dubreuil: A Frenchman between France and North Africa
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